scotcast

2007-04-03T21:58:00.001Z

It's Time

In November 1973, Margo MacDonald - the blonde bombshell - stunned the Scottish political village and the world that focused on Westminster by winning Glasgow Govan.

In the first General Election of 1974, there were seven SNP MPs elected.

In the second General Election of 1974, 11 SNP MPs were elected - our first eleven, following the Magnificent Seven, as the Press put it at the time.

They told me it would never happen at all, let alone in my lifetime. But I always believed it would.

Some 30 years on, government has come home to Scotland; we have a Parliament again; and despite the criticism - some genuine and often welcomed - it has made a huge difference to the culture and lifestyle of the nation.

The smoking ban; health provision improvements; new prosperity for education.

On May 3, we, the people, have the opportunity - and the duty - to vote. To vote for the future of Scotland.

Labour has diminished the stature of our culture and status and led us - sometimes willingly - to the path of dependency. This can change.

It's time to stand up for Scotland.

It's time to grow up.

It's time - for the SNP

charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2007-03-15T14:59:00.000Z

Media Ethics and Credibility

This is the speech made by Charles Fletcher in Kiev at the launch of Business Ukraine, the country's first English-language weekly business magazine, on March 15 2007

It’s great to be back in Kiev – a city I’ve had the privilege to visit and work in over the past ten years.

My first connection with Ukraine came through managing a series of media development projects with the BBC World Service, then Caledonia Media.

That first programme was a series of workshops in various parts of the country; and on occasion, brought young Ukrainian journalists to London to get a feel for the media in the UK.

They were all great to work with. Their questions, their challenging questions! Their opinions and views all kept me busy as we’d leave formal classes behind, then sit and talk into the small hours of the morning about life, the universe and how we’d change the world.

Our world has changed over those years. You’ve had a revolution and a shift to democracy.
In my country, Scotland, we’ve had devolution - and after 300 years, we have our own Parliament again.

It’s an exciting time to be in Scotland.

And it’s an exciting time to be in Ukraine.

The changes and developments over these past ten years – and the past three in particular – have the potential to showcase Ukraine as the place to be to invest and develop.

But in any strong, accountable democracy, there must be an independent, responsible media.
To encourage growth and freedom, there has to be a media that is itself free – and worthy of the trust of the people.

That trust has to be earned through hard work; and retained through even harder understanding of the ethics of reporting and broadcasting.

As journalists, we have a responsibility to tell the truth.
As owners, we have a responsibility to encourage that.
As politicians, we have a responsibility to defend it.

The key to real success in the media is if you can show your audience you are trustworthy and credible.

Do that and they’ll respond warmly to you. They’ll come to rely on you; and yes, they’ll challenge you.

But that will be with a new perspective, one that is built on trust.

Surely, from a straightforward business point of view, it’s more attractive to advertisers to buy space on a trusted magazine; or air-time on a trusted radio or television station.

Telling the truth produces benefits all round: for the reader, listener and viewer; the advertiser; and the company itself.

I’m just back from working on a major project in Nepal where journalists have shown themselves to be amongst the bravest of the brave.

Their country is in a very volatile position, politically, economically and culturally.

Yet journalists across Nepal took the time to analyse and evaluate a code of ethics they believe will eventually produce a stronger, more responsible media.

It will take time – but they have established the principles they are aiming for and are enthusiastic to bring about change.

The democratic credibility of a nation can be reflected in its media. In fact, the democratic credibility of a nation can be reported in its media.

So why do we see such a lack of credibility in some of our media across Central and Eastern Europe?

In Hungary – they blame the politicians.

In Romania – they blame the owners.

In Britain it’s much easier to answer this and in fact any other question – we blame the weather for everything.

The lack of credibility is endemic where journalists and their newspapers or magazines or stations are simply not trusted by the people.

Journalists often tell me they are not free to report as they would like.

I would like them to be free to report responsibly. I would like to see a media that is responsible, free, fair, impartial and honest.

But we all know these words mean nothing if you’re a journalist that is too scared to report the truth … fearing some harm to you or your family … or that you might lose your job.

A few moments ago, Yulia Tymoshenko said that: “Violence, threats and intimidation against journalists should not be tolerated and every case should be prosecuted with the full vigour of the law.”

Absolutely.

Your comments supporting a free media are welcomed. And you have also made it very clear … that if media doesn’t start to clean up its act, then government will step in to do it for them. I hope the industry takes the hint.

If we aspire to live in a democracy, our journalism must be responsible and free. Journalists must be allowed to question and probe and hold politicians and officials accountable for their actions.

And if we are in such a democracy, politicians will have to respect and encourage such an industry.

Government departments in Ukraine are now forbidden from instructing the media how to do its job. That is good, but it needs to be strengthened; and owners need to follow the same line.
A strong, credible and reliable media is part of our social responsibility in helping to develop a healthy democracy.

Perhaps this is the moment to seize the initiative to take a lead in Europe.

This could be the opportunity to establish a set of principles; a new standard of media ethics; and to hold them up as the best industry guidelines across Europe.

When I first started working in Ukraine, I said there would be no overnight change; but change there would be. Over time … and we can see it now. There is more to be done.

Of course, getting there doesn’t come easily: we have to prove our credentials. We need to be able to show that we are being accurate and fair and honest; and admit it when we get it wrong.
It is possible to change our output; but we first need to change our outlook and be clear and convinced – and then convince others – that we can develop a fair, honest, responsible media.

Once we accept that, we need to build credibility through our practices.

It’s an ethos at the core of Business Ukraine.

A new style, a new concept; good for the media; and good for democracy.

charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

© Caledonia Media 2007

2007-03-06T15:14:00.000Z

Super High School Goes Ballistic, Finnie is Fantastic!

The eloquent young Scottish broadcaster, Scott Findlater, is through to the finals of a contest to win a radio show - and thousands of pounds of kit for his school!

But he needs your vote to secure his place on Scotland's Talk 107 station in Edinburgh

Voting opens on March 9 - so please go to www.talk107.co.uk/speakout and Vote for Scott Findlater's programme, Liquid News. It's a one-hour news, current affairs and music magazine

Scott says: “Politicians say they listen to us, but in fact they don’t. I am very concerned that at 17 I can get married, have children, get sent to war and kill someone – but I’m not allowed to vote for the man that sends me to war.”

Speaking on Talk 107, the Head Teacher, Robert Birch, said: “There couldn’t be a better place to spend two-thousand pounds on radio equipment, because the High School is about to become the home for Queensferry’s own 24/7 radio station, Jubilee FM.”

Jubilee FM’s station director, Charles Fletcher, says: “Scott is very talented, perhaps the best of his generation. He brings a lot to Jubilee FM. Scott has integrity, honesty and as his many friends attest, he’s also great fun to be with.”

Please vote. Thank you

charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2007-02-12T13:11:00.000Z

Nepal Media Guidelines

Kathmandu, February 12, 2007

As Nepal prepares for fundamental constitutional change, a new set of guidelines for media professionals was unveiled here today.

The Nepal Media Guidelines are the result of a series of workshops rolled out across the country for more than 100 journalists and editors.

At the launch, the Chairman of the Nepal Press Institute, Gokul Pokharel, said the work was "a very wonderful job" for the industry in Nepal; and described the book as "the most solid contribution Charles Fletcher could have made to the media in Nepal".

The British Ambassador to Nepal, Dr Andrew Hall, said: "From their discussions (the journalists) have distilled what they believe to be the most important ethical guidelines. I hope they will be widely read by all Nepalese journalists and that they will find them a valuable practical guide."

Three regional editors brought additional local depth to the project, described by the author, Charles Fletcher, as "the most democratic set of journalistic standards" he has ever had the privilege to work on.

He added that what makes them particularly useful is that they were made possible by professionals in the Nepali media: "They were compiled 'By You, For You'," he said.

The book will now be released, free of charge, to journalists nationwide and online worldwide.

Caledonia Media is now preparing to roll out a series of workshops to help journalists cover the upcoming elections.

2007-02-10T07:35:00.000Z

Europe Today

Ten years ago, young Romanian journalists training at the BBC School in Bucharest dismissed guidelines on the use of violent pictures in television news. The BBC guideline calls for more sensitivity, restraint on the amount of violent images that can be screened, particularly together in one bulletin.

The BBC says “there is a balance to be struck between the demands of truth and the danger of desensitising people”. But the young Romanians insisted that “the viewers wouldn’t believe the journalists unless they could see the evidence for themselves”.

In other words, to be believed, they said they must show pictures – often close-ups – of the continuing atrocities in the Balkans War; dead and injured in accidents; and in one particularly disturbing incident in the early days of commercial television, the shocked reaction of a young woman to the news that her husband, an airline pilot, had been killed in a plane crash.

All of this was acceptable in those early days following the Romanian Revolution – or “The Event” as it was often caustically and sarcastically referred to. There was a sudden dash to embrace their version of freedom, liberation.

There was a belief, genuinely held among people in an industry that had never been taught otherwise, that with this break from the yoke of Communism and the suppression of the Securitate, they could say anything about anyone. After all, wasn’t this the so-called “Freedom of the Press” much heard about from people who had access to the West?

Well, of course it wasn’t. But trying to explain that to many of the young journalists who were also holding down two or three other jobs at the same time was challenging. It was rather like bringing up your own children when they have reached that awkward stage of asking “but why?” to everything you say.

There were some of the journalists in those early days, during the initially difficult transition from dictatorship towards democracy, who actually did understand and undertake to develop their industry into one staffed with professionals. Indeed the badge “professional” was much sought after, even more than money.

“Will I be a professional after this course?”… “Will this make me a professional?”… “Does this diploma make me a professional now?”… all genuine and serious questions raised by the young – and they were in the main in their early 20s – journalists wanting to make a career in the media.

Some of them now work in decision-making positions in Romania’s national public service radio and television, others in similar posts in commercial broadcasting. Yet others work for the BBC, Euronews, Eurosport, while one is teaching media in Paris.

In little over ten years, the Romanian economy has been transformed and the country stands on the edge of accession to the European Union, fully expectant of successful talks leading to formal entry in 2007, the next stage of proposed enlargement of Europe.

The media in Romania is unrecognisable from a decade ago, (perhaps) mostly in its television news and the picture content. Today, the journalists will tell you that they prefer not to show close-up scenes of death, violence, injury, as it is disturbing and unnecessary if they tell the story properly and professionally.

So, that all sounds perfect then. No need for further media training in Romania. All is in good shape…

Wrong. That there is considerable improvement, there is no doubt, by any measurement that the media output in radio, television and, to a certainly lesser degree, in the Press. There is always room for improvement wherever the media operates.

As in the standards of BBC news output, infamously shaken to its core by the misguided handling of the reporting of the Iraq War by the defence correspondent of BBC Radio Four’s Today Show. The subsequent mismanagement of his initial mistake served only to compound the incident rather than deflate it.

In the past month, BBC Scotland repeatedly broadcast the news that the Scottish government was about to make extensive changes to the higher education system that would wipe out the university status earlier awarded to a swathe of colleges across the country. It was wrong.

And in the UK Press, the Daily Mirror apologised unreservedly for printing fake pictures of Iraqi prisoners being beaten and tortured by British servicemen. The company admitted its mistake, sacked the editor, then robustly called on the British and US administrations to admit their mistakes in the war in Iraq.

The media is important in helping to develop and build a strong economy, a stable democracy. Undoubtedly, mistakes will be made by reporters. But genuine mistakes, as irritating (and sometimes dangerous) as they may be, are very different from the people who deliberately set out to tell falsehoods, to mislead, to lie to the people.

In the example of the Daily Mirror, it would be the easy option for the newspaper to apologise then cower in the back alleys off Fleet Street, seeking a quiet life as it licked its wounds. To do so would deny the basic tenets of democratic media: question, quiz, challenge authority. You are the watchdog for your reader. You can ask that awkward question and you must. The Daily Mirror was wrong to publish the fake pictures, but it seems to have been a genuine mistake, however misguided the decision appears to be.

It was correct to sack its editor and apologise to the readers – but it was critical that the newspaper would then raise its game and ask the awkward questions, make the demand of politicians to account for and admit their mistakes. And in turn, where appropriate, resign or be sacked.

In Scotland, as in other parts of the world, we refer to the media as “The Fourth Estate”. In an odd way, it adds a sense of gravitas to the industry, makes it seem almost part of the Establishment (a strange phenomenon when you consider that the media generally rails against anything to do with the establishment, rather seeking to knock it than join it).

Across the extended Europe, now a club of 25 nations through the continuing process of what could perhaps be well described as "Eunification", the media has arguably a far greater responsibility than it has had in the past.

As the economies develop, so must the media. It needs to be there to reflect town and country, raise issues, investigate concerns, encourage growth in business and culture and hold the nation’s leaders to account.

In Hungary, there is a continuing process of education through the media, in radio and newspapers in particular. The “big picture” of Europe was explored and reported (not as often as one would really desire or demand, but at least it developed in depth over recent years leading to accession), but perhaps more importantly, in the past three years, there have been useful reports by sensible journalists who stripped Europe down to the very basic question: what will it mean to the price of eggs?

It was in no way diminishing the overall growth and development: it was, in fact, recognising what the media can do so very well, connect directly with people. “Europe: What Does It Mean For You? How Will It Impact On Your Life?”

One group of young Hungarian journalists travelled to Belgium and Scotland to get first-hand experience and understanding of what the EU was all about. They went first to Bruxelles to see what impact the Euro was having on the economy. They met members of the great and good from the EU Parliament and institutions – and once the officialdom was concluded, they spoke to real people on the streets to get a measure of the real impact on their real lives.

By contrast, in Edinburgh they met people in a country functioning outside the Euro Zone. They similarly spoke to the great and the good of the Scottish Parliament, where they had a working lunch with elected representatives before observing a session in the chamber. As in Bruxelles, as useful as the official encounters were, it was the contact with real people in Edinburgh and Dunfermline that helped to colour in their picture of Europe and report that back to their readers and listeners in Hungary.

As nations continue through transition, the media must be encouraged to develop and it in turn must ensure that it reports responsibly.

A strong media is critical in the 21st Century. It plays a crucial role in the development of nationhood and its people. A free, responsible media is an integral part of a modern democracy and one that has to be encouraged.

In The Visegrad Guidelines, a code of media ethics written by this author and translated into seven languages, the UK politician, Michael Portillo MP, says: “Politicians will have to come to terms with the reality of a critical, unbiased media. It is a challenge for you to understand that, to welcome its development and to take it as a sign measuring your success in creating a democracy that is on its way to maturity.”

In little more than a decade much has changed in the media across Europe, and most especially in the new entrants to the EU and countries on the new eastern border like Bulgaria, Ukraine and Romania. Much also has changed in the media in Serbia, Montenegro and in Croatia, similarly aiming to enter the EU in 2007. There remains considerably more to be done.

It is no longer astonishing; rather it is pitiful, when departmental managers, company owners and donor agencies, in their rush to save money, cut costs, reduce or withdraw in entirety their support for training and development.

Rather, it is inappropriate to cut training budgets when people, the keystone to any organisation, are the very tools that can help improve output and market positioning.

Journalists in the new entrant countries to the EU are at varying (sometimes dramatically varying) levels of professional competence. Training, by organisations like the BBC and Caledonia Media, have played important parts in helping to develop the standards of the industry. Now, as funding bodies look to engage their resources in other ways in other nations, there is perhaps even more necessity to help support the media across Central and Eastern Europe, to develop all of the industry, improve its quality, build a better reputation for responsibility, reliability, quality, trust.

All of which costs money, and in some cases, will require media companies to self invest rather than rely on external funding support. In Slovakia, the general director of the national broadcaster, STV, looked outside of the country for professional support to develop the network’s news and current affairs outputs. But it funded the project internally.

In Hungary, there is ongoing restructuring at the national radio, funded internally; but at the national public television, a similar programme of development has stalled because there is no internal funding available and so far, much to the chagrin of their general director, no external financial support.

By contrast, that external support has been on the table for Belarus for a considerable period of time, yet has never come to any great realisation. Funders who want to support training and development are thwarted and left to express their grave concerns about the continuing political direction of the country and the dictatorial thumb on the throat of the media.

In contrast again, Ukraine has opened its doors, outstretched its arms (not as some cynics suggest, its palms) and is positively encouraging external support to help develop its media.

A little over ten years ago, Western professionals, people steeped in the industry as opposed to academics, pioneered media training across Central and Eastern Europe helping develop journalists, the managers and editors of today, encourage growth of, in particular, commercial radio stations and play their part in the development of democracy, and by doing so, have an input into nation-building.

There are examples of successes worldwide because of these initial interventions. In Central and Eastern Europe, Russia, the Baltic States, the Balkans, media training and development has secured a generation of responsible broadcasters and journalists.

Part of that success is that we now see journalists from Romania training their counterparts in Asia; journalists from Hungary training colleagues in Kosovo. They are the beneficiaries of investment in their skills and talents and they are determined to pass it on. That spend on the young Romanian talent has been paid back by the bucketload as he counts the hundreds of young broadcasters who have benefited from his experience, beginning in the classroom of the Scoala BBC at the National Film and Theatre Academy in Bucharest.

Their learning is a model to be rolled out further afield.

They can’t do it on their own. They still need support and help in training the next generation. A friend in Budapest says of trying to do his job to the high professional standards he believes in: “I still have to struggle every day, it’s better, but it’s still a struggle. I’m doing all this for my son and his son. My country will be better for them than it is for me.”

It is a measure of his determination to help build and grow Hungary that he stays there, rather than move elsewhere.

He may be a unique person, but the attitude isn’t. There are many more like him who want to do what they can to extend democracy through the media. They are all there, across Central and Eastern Europe. And they still need support. And that means recognising investment in continuing training and development. It needn’t cost a fortune. But it can accelerate the democratisation of a country. And a continent.

charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2007-01-27T10:17:00.000Z

The Lassies

The traditional "Toast to the Lassies" at a Burns Supper is designed to be a little cheeky about women; abuse stereotypes; but close with a cheery wish that they are God's gift and man couldn't live without them. Moments later, they deliver "The Reply" and treat the laddies similarly. This is from the South Queensferry Rotary Club's Burns Supper at the Priory Church, in January 2007

Distinguished guests; fellow Rotarians; lassies and laddies; and the wee church moose … guid evening

I am proud and not a little honoured to be invited to deliver the toast to the lassies. Well here it is (hands over slices of toast). It’s a bit cauld now, mind you

The impact you lassies have on us mere laddies begins when we’re just bairns

There we are gurgling as we lie back in our Silver Cross Perambulators … and what do we recall from that time? Sunny days? Bird song?

Well we remember one bird; and it’s our granny spitting on her hankie to wipe our face

And that’s where our relationship with the lassies gets its starting point

And even into adulthood, they treat us with contempt

I asked a bonnie wee Glasgow lassie the other day what she liked best about me. Was it my firm, trim body or my intellect? She said: "Naw, no’ that. Your sense of humour."

But do we laddies feel usurped by the fairer sex?

Aye, we do. Oh and, it’s safer to agree. We’re surrounded by them

I often worry about the different cultures when I’m travelling overseas, but find many similarities with home.

The most obvious one being that in most of the places I travel, the lassies are in charge. It’s just that the men don’t know

In some of the countries I go to, if you commit adultery you get stoned. It made me think of the Ferry where you get stoned before committing adultery

Talking of which: Robert Burns

This prolific writer lived his life bouncing between desire and genius. Love and lust fuelled his poetry

He first discovered girls when he was 15: and she was Handsome Nell; “a delicious passion”

Likewise, there has been a delicious passion to laddies across all of Scotland for more than 50 years

She’s as bonnie now as she was then, it’s true. But ye see, it’s all a plot to try to weaken us. They get together in covens to snarl at us from early age to middle age and seek to chase us into the grave

I’ll you a true story. As it unfolds, ye’ll realise it is pretty sad – sad in the modern sense of the word, not the greetin’ sense

I was looking at a picture of this lovely quinie, when one of the managers at Tesco leant over, looked at it, pointed to her, then looked up and said: “She’s fit, eh?”

Step forward: Maggie Broon

This sultry sex symbol has probably done more to break laddies’ hearts than any wee lassie has ever done

Her brother Joe once said: "You're the apple of a’body’s eye, Maggie ... aye, and Daphne's the core."

Oor Joe would have done well to have at least tried to learn the lassie lingo. You know what that is: it’s their own special vocabulary

Sometimes it’s words; sometimes it’s expressions; it’s also been known to resemble groans, but it’s been a while, so I’m no’ up to speed on that part of the dictionary

We need to understand, lads, this is simply a lassie-led conspiracy. They’re even doing it now as I speak, right here, right now

Look carefully and you’ll see a little turning of the foot under the table. Perfectly poised and with remarkable lines. In line with your shin

Learn the signs and words

When a woman says “fine” – you need to know that it’s not fine at all. In fact it’s far from “fine”

But you’ll no’ find out what it is that isn’t fine, because when you ask her what’s wrong, she’ll say “nothin’!”

Rabbie Burns was a great believer in the rights of women and held them

He held them socially and intellectually as equals

We also believe in wimmins rights

We laddies get home after a hard day at work and find the wee woman in the kitchen, wearing her pinny and cooking our tea

It’s at this moment, I feel she looks serene. Could it be she just looks comfortable in her traditional surroundings?

A match made in heaven: a lassie and a cooker

Anyway, we begin our little exchange

We tell her about our day; we don’t need any immediate response because we’ve so much to say…

Then we announce we’ve had a fantastic idea!

Listen carefully, laddies: when she replies “if that’s what you want”, then you must understand you’re in trouble

Puir Rabbie. All he wanted was to write the lassies some songs and poetry and have a little Mahatma Ghandi. But his treasured works have only helped set up their code!

He himself admitted as such: "For my part, I never had the least thought or inclination of turning poet until I got heartily in love and then rhyme and song were, in a manner, the spontaneous language of my heart."

In Tam O’Shanter Burns ponders the tendency of men to ignore the advice of their sensible wives. Thanks, mate

Less famous, but much more overtly humorous, is the poem Willie Wastle

It’s an hilarious account of a man (said to have been an acquaintance of the poet … but names were changed to protect the guilty!) who had the misfortune to be married to the ugliest woman in the world

In each new verse Burns catalogues the poor woman’s glaring imperfections in grotesque comic detail:

A whiskin beard about her mou, her nose and chin they threaten ither (a whiskery beard about her mouth, her nose and chin threaten each other)

Then he concludes with the words:

Sic a wife as Wullie had, I wad nae gie a button for her! (such a wife as Wullie had, I would not give a button for her!)

If he’d been around today, he’d have had to think of more than buttons … especially when dragged down to Top Shop on a Saturday

The laddies are directed to and left sitting on a hard, wooden chair with the command: “stay there!”

There are many laddies on many hard, wooden chairs, under the same orders from these power-crazy lassies

And we’re all under the same fear of God – another lassie – for that moment the curtain slides back from the dressing room and the bird asks: “Whit dae ye think?”

Learn now: you should have had the courage to run away when she was in there. But ya big feartie, now you’ve got tae answer

“Ahm waitin!”

And what do you say?

You could try this: “Lovely, hen, but och! Ahm only a man, ken, ah cannae really tell. All I care about is if you’re happy.”

That tells her she looks a richt sicht, and it’s two sizes too small. You daren’t say it in those words...

But she’ll know…

Maybe try this instead: “Oh, it’s, great. I mean, tae me it is, but, I mean, ye ken mah taste is hellish.”

The gaggle of laddies perched on their seats let oot a collective gasp. Ain o’ their ain wiz aboot tae go doon

He didnae really say that, did he? Aye, he did

It helpfully brings an opporchancity to observe the raising of the right eyebrow by said wummin; the pursing of her lips getting tighter and tighter; and the eyes, oh my God those mean eyes, bulging oot their sockets like a fish on the slab at Alex Young’s

“Aye! You’re right,” she’ll say as she heads back for the changing room. “An’ so’s mah taste in men!”

“Whit’s wrong, Sadie?”

“Nothin!”

Oh clearly, the lassies can be a parcel o’ rogues and have mastered – or is it mistressed? – the art of sonic sound signalling

It’s a speciality. They’re like dolphins in stilettos

They emit audio waves that to the untrained male ear are perfectly safe. They’re laced with danger

There’s “the sigh”. Usually short and delivered to the side as they casually turn away from you. It means she’s bored but hasn’t the energy to spell it out

Then there’s “the long sigh”. This is, as the name might suggest, rather lengthy, and usually delivered straight to your face

There’s that little high-pitched noise that comes when she parts her lips whilst grinding her teeth together – you cannae hear it lads, it’s their code

It is swiftly followed by a very, very big intake of air. The mooth remains firmly shut; they widen their nostrils and inhale

This can oft be accompanied by both hands going on hips, arms bent at the elbow

This means you’re in deep trouble

Once this is indicated to you, the sonic signal may sound like: “Zattafact?”

At this moment, be very careful what you pray for

Don’t wish for a lassie with the Midas touch – because everything she touches will turn into an exhaust

Burns was not a conventional lover by our standards. He stated the limits of his fidelity:

“Let not Woman o’er complain
Fickel Man is apt to rove
We’ll be constant while we can-
We can be no more, you know”

As you know, he had numerous affairs throughout his lifetime, lucky bugger, and admitted to the feeling that:

“The sweetest hours that e'er I spent
Are spent amang the lasses, O”

Gentlemen, You should think to pledge to pay more attention to that wee cherub of your own. And given half the chance also to the lassie next door

We’d all do well perhaps to remember, as the Bard should have put it himself, in Green Grow The Rushes:

“Auld Nature swears the lovely dears
Her noblest work she classes, O;
With apprentice hand she tried on man;
And then she made the lassies, O.”

And so together we toast the daughters of the Celts, and all the members of the fairer sex who inherit the spirit of the Celts

This be done as celebrated by Burns: “in all their beauty, dignity, strength, and, yes, in their ferocity”

Gentlemen! Be on your feet, and join me in a Toast to the Lassies!

The lassies!

charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2007-01-16T20:44:00.000Z

SeeScotland.TV is Announced

Welcome! 300 years to the day of the old Scots Parliament signing the Act of Union that created the United Kingdom, Caledonia Media announces plans to launch SeeScotland.TV

SeeScotland.TV celebrates all things Scottish from home and worldwide. SeeScotland.TV will bring you images of Scotland now and then ... and you can add to the content by uploading your family favourites

This is SeeScotland.TV - Bringing Scotland to the World

Come back soon for more news of this exciting new service, brought to you by Charles Fletcher and Tamas Barok of Caledonia Media

For details of pre-launch registration, or if you have any questions or enquiries, please contact us at the email below

charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-12-22T17:28:00.000Z

Merry Christmas!

ScotCast is one year old - and to celebrate, we're taking a break over Christmas and the New Year to recharge our batteries for an exciting year ahead.

We'll be relaunching in 2007 as part of a new online television service from Scotland. Meantime, you can sample a localised version of the service by going to http://www.jubileefm.tv It is all very exciting.

From all of the team at Caledonia Media, have a great Christmas and a Guid New Year.

Charles

charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-11-08T17:03:00.000Z

More from Nepal...

PREVIOUSLY in Nepal, it was evacuation by elephant as the Monsoon enveloped us. Then there were snakes surrounding the telephone at the local grocery store as we tried to make arrangements to move out of the jungle. And then the mosquitoes began to bite. Don’t even ask about wading through the flooded River Narayani and all those silly dangers we’re trained to avoid.

This time, it was going to be alright.

Oh, I see, so why are we are in Maoist strongholds where a Westerner (any) is a great prize. A journalist? How tasty! Let’s kidnap and torture! Gonnae no dae that. Please.

This time, no problems. Well, until engine failure on the take-off from Kathmandu at the end of it all. As we took off, there was an almighty bang, the plane lurched to the right (David Cameron is affecting everything these days) and shuddered. The passengers froze. Just another day in paradise.

Choices for the pilot: return to base below or burn off fuel to Qatar and an emergency landing in the Middle East?

Why did those crew members run up and down the aisles with torches, looking at the wing? Yes, really, they ran. Why did it take 12 minutes and seven seconds for the Captain to say all was well, and it was a minor bird strike? Yes, as an old radio man, I counted him in and out.

Earlier, as I boarded, a young Nepali had offered me his seat at the window instead of mine on the aisle. “We should at least learn each others’ names, in case we have to call in the dark to save each other,” I offered. “And by the way, thanks for the seat change,” as I pondered the failed engine immediately outside my windae.

“I’m Raj,” he said. Guid, I thought. We can call that in any emergency and find most of the passengers answering.

At least at this moment we weren’t flying low over Baghdad as we had been on the trip in. Flying low, Americans above us, guarding and guiding our jet through Iraqi airspace? How safe we feel.

But before all that skyborne excitement, the joys of trying to help bring back democracy to Nepal through helping develop the media. It’s an important part of the Peace Process, and the most democratic set of Guidelines I have ever worked on.

Along with the Nepal Press Institute and the British Embassy in Kathmandu, Caledonia Media is working on a new set of ethical guidelines for the Nepali media; setting a new standard for the journalists to aspire to.

Winnie Ewing once told me in an interview in Inverness that the people were ahead of the politicians; in Nepal, the people and the media are ahead of the politicians and preparing for a new generation where they demand democracy and a free, responsible Press.

We publish the new standards in February.

Last time it was evacuation on elephants, this time, I learned to ride a motorbike; cook and enjoy fantastic Nepali food; barter with the best of them in Freak Street, Kathmandu; go home hoping that Peace Will Prevail in Nepal; and that business will invest heavily, swiftly and remember the debt we owe the Nepalese. Not least for the marvellous Ghurkhas.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-10-17T14:29:00.001Z

Nepal Calling

Any day spent in Nepal is a guid day. The land of the smiling people, the home of peace.

Currently, the Peace Process is in discussion. In 1990, there was an uprising that brought a false democracy. Like all falseness, it collapsed. The people rose again this year demanding to secure a real democracy.

That real democracy may see the end of the Royal Family's input to society. It may see members of the Mao insurgency in government.

International attention has been elsewhere; whilst India and the US has given its views, the world has let "little Nepal" get on with the job of solving its own problems.

It may be a guid thing. Whilst there should be more international attention given to this brave nation, perhaps it is best to let Nepal solve Nepal.

Last week, the Maos said everything could be resolved in half an hour - if the Royal Family was reduced to being "just like anyone else". The National Congress retains difficulties in extinguishing the role of the King and his entourage. Apparently, not so, the people.

During this Peace Process, there is a programme led by the media to launch a new standard in its journalism: The Nepal Media Guidelines. The comments and calls from journalists nationwide are thrilling.

Madame Ecosse, Winnie Ewing, once told me: "The people are ahead of the politicians, we need to catch up." She was speaking of the Scots.

Here, in Nepal, the people are ahead of the politicians. Today, many businesses across the nation closed - not in a strike in the "normal" sense; they were sending a message to the talkers in the Peace Process. A simple message.

Get the bloody job done - and fast.

Nepal wants freedom. It wants democracy. The media appears to be very much in line with the views of the People.

This media acknowledges its faults and works to redress them. Nations advance when its media has freedom.

Now the country is seeking freedom; creating the opportunity for the world to invest. There is huge work to be done - from the basics of roadworks and sanitation to wherever your imagination takes you.

It may soon be time to invest in a people any nation would envy.

Free Nepal.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-09-27T19:21:00.000Z

Liar, liar, the city's on fire

When the images of rioting in central Budapest were flashed worldwide, they created a shudder, a shock.

The Prime Minister, Ferenc Gyurcsany, had been outed through a leaked tape of his speech to colleagues in a meeting on Lake Balaton. In essence, he said "his people" had lied "morning, noon and night" about the state of the Hungarian economy...to win the election.

Once disclosed, he swiftly - perhaps too swiftly - took the line that he was being maligned for being honest about the realite.

The rioting in a major, and beautiful, European capital shocked the nation, and indeed the world.

On the surface, what we saw was anarchy. But let's strip it back.

Conspiracy theories were invented in Hungary, it is part of the attractive national physiche.

But one theory in particular is troubling. How could one television network have so much knowledge, contact, information about the "event" to be so clearly on the ground to relay what was happening. Is it coincidence that this network, the Hir TV, is also openly supportive of the right-wing opposition?

Or was it simply a case of being news-reactive at the cutting edge?

Walking through the crowds based outside the Parliament was reminiscent of the protest at Faslane, Scotland or Greenham Common, England. A certain type is gathering and staying. The real people are getting on with their lives.

It is intriguing that public opinion is more concerned with "the leak"; the view that "all politicians lie anyway"; and so what if "Frank" told untruths.

Here, in Budapest, the focus is much more on who revealed it; why they did; and so much less on the substance.

The maitre'de at my hotel offered one comment: "There are always riots in Europe. They have them in Paris, in Madrid, so we now have them here. It is not a club we want to join, but we have."

There was a reported comment from a Budapester that "it must be the time of year", in reference to the uprising in 1956.

That was against Soviet rule.

Walking through the crowds, with their toilets and kitchens all in place, this is no Orange Revolution in Ukraine. And it doesn't feel like Budapest in '56. It doesn't look like '56. It isn't '56.

There are cordons around Parliament, the national television, the national radio.

Two dates to watch: October 1 and local elections; and October 23, the 50th anniversary of 1956.

That the police were ineffective in controlling a riot in a space no larger than two tennis courts last Monday raises serious questions. Not about the government, but about the police and their professionalism and abilities.

On this occasion, maybe it doesn't really raise questions about government. Perhaps the dishonesty of Frank and all around him will be seen to be more to do with his honesty about misleading the nation.

And perhaps Europe's youngest democracy, Scotland, has lessons to learn. After all, isn't it troubling that Scotland's finance minister has allegedly demanded his civil service team keep quiet about the implications of his government's budget proposals until after next year's national election, for fear it could affect voting for his party.

Is it any wonder that the people are more and more disconnected with the political elite?

Remember: the people have the vote that puts them in place. The people have the vote that takes them out. And democracy enables the people to demonstrate.

That couldn't be done in '56 when civilians fought for democracy.

The democracy in place now allows the people to question, where instead they were shot for daring to do so, 50 years ago.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-09-05T21:30:00.001Z

Dear Tony

Every political star has their career shot down. Every hero is disarmed. It all ends in tears, especially when they never learn from the past: know when to go.

You came into our lives promising so much. Even that stage-managed entry to Downing Street could be found back in the Channel Four series "A Very British Coup", with the political advisor to the show being Alastair Campbell.

That the great British public never saw through it is incredible.

So much spin. So much hype.

The Scottish Parliament, the "desired will of the people" dismissed as little more than a Parish Council, you said.

Yet you complain when we, the people, ask for a timetable.

Never before has a Prime Minister solicited his own end of office. It may have seemed smart at the time to give an interview saying you wouldn't be around for a fourth term, but does it seem so clever now?

Poor old Gordon was on a plane to the US when you gave that interview. Of course you thought it through.

Consequences? Upset Gordon, destabilise his power base, strengthen your own. Ah, legacy.

Legacy? Afghanistan. Iraq. Iran. Such a special relationship with the US. You have taken it to new levels and it is unedifying.

Should we miss you? At one time, yes. Now? Not at all.

Legacy? Well, you are tall. But you never were politically. You were rather short on that.

Thank you for failing to be tough on crime and its causes; making life more bearable for the disadvantaged; making it easier to study and graduate; for promoting small busineses across the UK.

Our standing in the world? Thank you for giving the world the perception we are part of the US.

It was all about you; all about spin.

You complain we talk about your departure.

Well, in your schoolboy speak: You started it.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-08-22T13:24:00.000Z

Scotland welcomes Europe

Three years ago, the British media got itself into an hysterical overdrive about the enlargement of the European Union. Paper after paper, distinguished broadsheets too, not just the usual suspect red-tops and the Daily Mail, got into a dreadful lather about the tsunami of refugees and vagrants they said was due to land on our shores.

The BBC allowed itself to get carried away in similar hysterical tones with news reports that the inclusion of ten new members into the EU Club would clog Britain's health and benefit system; and Johnny Foreigner would take all our jobs.

There is a sensible media outpost in the heart of London - Bush House. Home to the respected World Service. There, European language section chiefs were shaking their heads in disbelief at the ignorance of reporters across the UK who appeared desperate to outflank each other in the numbers game.

Hundreds! Thousands! Hundreds of thousands! Our island nation was about to be "swamped" by hordes of migrants from Hungary, Latvia, Poland and Slovakia.

One UK reporter in Poland excitedly showed off buses that were lining up to transport "whole gangs" of Polish migrants who were "dead set" on getting to Britain.

We have a thriving agriculture market in Scotland. Every year, many Poles - and other Europeans - take buses to come here to work in the fields, making money to send home. Or, perhaps more importantly, to take home. They fill a gap that the Scots don't - or won't - fill themselves and they view it as an opportunity to make money. Isn't that just a bit of sensible housekeeping?

Britain's aged railway system is being transformed; not least because of know-how brought in by experts from Romania's rail network.

A sumptious five-star hotel is under construction in Edinburgh. The majority of its labourers are Polish. They work long hours; are friendly; make humorous company; and they plan to go home in the Spring. They are making the most of some of the advantages that the EU brings the Europeans, namely, the ability to cross frontiers freely and work around the Union. Well, around parts of the Union.

Britain was one of only three nations to operate an Open Doors Policy three years ago, saying to the ten new member states - welcome! And so, many Czechs, Hungarians and Lithuanians among others took the British policy-makers at their word. They came; they liked what they saw; they applied for work; and some of them did indeed migrate. For many others, it was only ever going to be short-term, making a wage to take home.

In 2003, there were scandalous reports stating that "hundreds of thousands" of people were amassing ready to "flood Britain". As we discussed much of the coverage over a coffee in Bush House, one journalist commented: "How arrogant of the English to think that we are all so desperate that we want to come here!" Another added: "We have only just got our independence...I want to help my nation grow, not run away to West at the first chance and abandon it."

The East had in any case become part of that West. An extended Club bringing with it undreamt of freedoms for a Continent that ripped itself apart twice in the last Century. Also, it brings problems; and there will of course be those charlatans who try to beat the system and do a dodgy deal to get money for nothing. Oh, by the way, there are some of those in your High Street already, you don't need to import an Eastern European to do that.

Which brings us back to the consistent UK policy of a wider Europe. For more than a decade, there has been a policy to strengthen the EU by enlargement. The cynics will say that's only because by encouraging it to get bigger, it will become even less efficient (wider, not deeper, as some would say). But in the main, that policy has stood Briatin well, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe and now stretching into Turkey.

But the Little Englander mentality is heating up again. This week, the main opposition party in the Westminster Parliament in London is calling for very firmly closed doors when Bulgaria and Romania join the EU next year.

Immigration is always a key Conservative issue, although it has done them no guid at all amongst the electorate in recent years. So, they were back to banging an old drum. Who'll heed that shout?

By the strangest of coincidences ... along pops a junior government minister, and then, gosh! A senior Cabinet Minister to trot out the line that "the Open Door Policy of the past might be inappropriate" for the Bulgarians and the Romanians.

In other words, Britain is preparing to tell its new member citizens they'll have to wait up to seven years before they can enjoy the same rights as those of other former communist states who're already in the EU.

That doesn't seem like an especially warm welcome for people who offer knowledge, skills, talent and a willingness to work hard, often for money that may seem low to the Brits, but is high to the former Soviet citizens and actually buys a lot for their families at home.

Many generations of goodwill have been with the UK because of our own willingness to embrace change and to genuinely welcome immigrants. This could be washed away in an instant with such a selfish and ill-designed rhetoric.

But perhaps we shouldn't waste time on arguing a proposed Westminster policy. The point's been made, but if London wants to continue to pursue it, then so be it.

Foreign policy is a reserved right of HM Government in London; but we have our own Parliament in Edinburgh. A parliament that has tax-varying powers; and a legal right to implement legislation.

We already have a policy that encourages and welcomes immigrants to Scotland. So perhaps it's time to simply shout it a bit louder.

Welcome to Scotland - the land of growth, opportunity and freedom. Aye, and the people aren't too bad either.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-06-18T09:53:00.000Z

Community spirit

There are few things that bring a community together better than radio. The senior service of the electronic media that has the capacity to be intimate, yet everywhere at once, is helping to rebuild and better bond communities across the UK in the latest wave of small, local stations.

The philosophy is rather simple: go local, local, local. In communities that are, by definition, too small to sustain a commercial presence on the airwaves, there are now opportunities to create a powerful presence with Community Radio.

Already, there are many on air, with many others preparing their licence bids for the next round of awards from the UK radio regulator, Ofcom. The BBC has launched a pilot service of what it calls "ultra local" stations and is seeking to develop community broadcasting even further.

Not so very long ago, "real broadcasters in real stations" would scoff at the notion of such "baby broadcasters". One former senior figure in the old Radio Authority once haughtily told me: "Let's face it, these stations are the domain of the anorak and the nutter."

I contended he was wrong and had just insulted a swathe of volunteers who give their heart and soul to these small stations - as they do in hospital radio - and can very often sound far better than their commercial and BBC equivalents.

But no, he retained firm to his view. Perhaps he is one of the reasons the UK had to await the arrival of Ofcom and the demise of the Radio Authority before the great rollout of community stations could begin.

So I guess it is time to declare an interest here: I manage a small station in Queensferry, Scotland, and the team is gearing up to bid for a full-time Community Licence. We don't own an anorak between us.

We have already registered our Intention to Apply with Ofcom and await the sound of the starting pistol to pull together our bid and make our submission.

If we can convince the regulator that we can make a significant contribution to our community and run the station effectively for the duration of a five-year licence, we aim to become full-time broadcasters from next summer.

Our little station was launched to fulfil one role: to promote the community's annual Ferry Fair Gala, the oldest continuing civic gala in Britain. In so doing, we would be broadcasting the voices and sounds of Queensferry around the ancient Royal Burgh for the first time.

The station was embraced by the people, who very swiftly adopted us. But there was one significant problem: nobody told Jubilee FM it was supposed to be a little baby station; and from the launch, it has consistently behaved as a professional, full service broadcaster with all the programmes you would expect to hear from breakfast to drivetime. But we also have a host of specialist music programmes, a nightly youth strand and a marathon seven-hour live broadcast of the big Ferry Fair Day itself.

We all had several training workshops pre-launch to help us along the way, but as a team of volunteers who are passionate about radio and Queensferry, we have created a service that works well.

One of our producers is Janis Laizans. This week, he attended the annual Andrew Cross Awards in Derbyshire, England. There, he collected an award on behalf of the station and the community: Best Community Broadcaster.

It was for a programme that could only have been conceived among this troupe in Queensferry.

One of the most influential figures in our community died suddenly. With the blessing of his family and the support of the minister, Rev John Carrie, we decided to broadcast his funeral, live.

Remembering the Captain - Captain Ken Crowther - is the stuff of legends. But, as I had a role in it, don't take my word, instead take those of the Andrew Cross judges, who said the programme reflected "community broadcasting at its best".

They added: "Jubilee FM showed imagination in choosing to relay to its own community a funeral, and so celebrate the life of a loved and respected local man."

The station also won a Commendation in the category of Special Programmes.

It was the most difficult broadcast for all of us, not only because Ken was a friend and a station volunteer, but we were doing this in our own back yard. Everything, the technical, the production, the tone - all had to be right and appropriate.

You instinctively know if you have made a guid programme. It is great to get warm and positive feedback on the street and despite the circumstances, feel proud of what the team achieved.

And, of course, it is quite something to be judged a national winner by your peers.

Not bad for a wee baby radio station, then.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-06-07T16:58:00.001Z

Glasgow neuralgia

Regular readers will recall the day that the whole thing was conceived. Four dafties on a boat on Loch Lomond agreed it could be fun to have a school reunion after almost 30 years.

Two of them were left to get on with organising it; spending many months trying to trace former pupils of the High School of Glasgow. It wasn't an easy task; and at times it would have been simpler to walk away, not least when you discover the school doesn't have any record of the two who were doing all the hard work.

"That's no way to treat the school captain of 75-76," I said. "We know you weren't," said the lady in the school's development office. Darn.

By and by around 75 former pupils got in touch and on Friday, June 2, 33 of us got together again at Old Anniesland.

In keeping with the style of Glasgow in the mid-70s, it was a "people's reunion".

None of your fancy black tie for us, said the invitation, just come in whatever you feel most comfy in. That could have been dangerous, but in the end it worked splendidly and we had the widest fashion statement possible, ranging from a full Prince Charlie to lounge suits to blazers and ties, jeans and tee-shirts, oh, and one black tie.

We also eschewed a top table. Such is the style of great revolutionaries.

In the background, there was music from the days these guys were at school in the city centre; there was original footage of some of them on board the pirate ship Radio Scotland and many others having a snowball fight in the playground.

How we laughed when one young wag in the movie, carrying the largest snawba' imaginable, reacted bizarrely when he saw the camera - and tried to push the said ba' into his pocket.

There were pictures posted around the room (how they have all aged, dear reader, I'm the only one wearing well) that caused much chattering and laughter. And there was a quiz: trying to recall the real name of teachers we only really knew as Ratty Joe, Holy Joe or Psycho.

My fellow gangmaster and I were chuffed to bits by the response and the atmosphere. "The hard work paid off, then," he said. "Aye, in spades. But we stick to the plan." "Agreed."

The plan was to underline this was a one-off as we had said from the start; a never to be repeated production. And we would retire from the organising - going out on a high (school) at the end of the night. And so we did.

"Well, that plan lasted long, didn't it?" said my chum. "Och, sometimes it's best to be pragmatic and they were so nice aboot it a'. We surely couldnae say no?"

And so it came to pass that before we hud even went to the Post Office to collect oor pensions, oor fellow Former Pupils had encouraged us to come back - and organise the next one.

Pit it in the diary: 7 for 7.30 on Friday, June 3, 2011. The bookings are already coming in.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-05-24T20:59:00.000Z

Public Service – Public Good

Public Service Broadcasting is, I believe passionately, critical for the development and extension of a modern democracy. It’s that simple.

Nations without this valuable commodity at the heart of its culture and politics fail to engage effectively with its people and itself.

In the United Kingdom, the battle lines have been drawn and the very future of the BBC is under scrutiny. Every ten years or so, there is a renewal of its Royal Charter, in effect, its licence to broadcast.

This Charter is the result of several years of negotiations between the BBC and the government of the day. Each side will seek responses from other interested bodies; not least the viewer and listener.

The Charter round also confirms the level of the BBC’s licence fee for the coming years.

Last year at Tihany, and earlier at Pecs, I made a call for more “public value broadcasting”. I said at the time there must be a greater connection to the communities we seek to serve; and a continuing commitment to producing quality programmes that viewers and listeners demand.

“Public value” is a central tenet to the BBC’s current negotiations.

The licence fee has served the BBC – and the UK – very well. It has helped retain the independence of the BBC from governments and politics and underpinned its “ownership” by the people.

But this should be the final agreement on a licence fee of this kind. At the next Charter renewal round, beginning in around six or seven years from now, the core funding of the BBC should be reviewed and this form of taxation replaced.

A new formula should therefore be found to publicly fund the BBC.

At the heart of Public Service Broadcasting is universality: available to all.

So, what are the options?

Subscription. No. That is elitist and takes away universality
Indirect taxation. On utilities for example – rather like your electricity bill in France; or your phone bill in Switzerland
Direct taxation. A tax at source – with caveats and bandings for people on low income and benefits
Or perhaps look once again at introducing commercials on the BBC

In Britain, the BBC is advertising-free. Across radio, television and online services, there are no commercials.

But there are commercials on the BBC Prime and BBC World channels broadcast around the world. Currently, there is also a survey underway, asking regular users of the BBC’s online services if they would object to the introduction of advertising.

That survey is only targeted at users outside the UK; if the responses are positive, it opens the possibility of another income stream for the BBC, and one that could bring in considerable revenues to the organisation.

However, the BBC has no stomach to consider advertising on its radio, television or online services in Britain. As part of its argument for the retention of the licence fee, the BBC made the case that to introduce commercials on its outlets would have a detrimental effect on the commercial broadcasters as it would reduce their market.

The commercial broadcasters in Britain regularly complain about the BBC getting the licence fee. But you would be hard-pressed to find a senior executive in any of those companies to agree with any policy that allowed the BBC to take advertising.

Let’s get closer to home: work has begun on another new Media Law for Hungary.

How much of that will focus on the values of having a strong, independent public service television and radio service?

We can hope this will be the route map that will take PSB forward. At the very least, it must provide the pathway to real reform.

The fear is that we will need to wait for yet another generation before the broadcasters and the politicians realise that the public want good programmes that entertain and inform.

Here is a critical reality check: The public is as disinterested in petty politicking as those in the media and politics itself are mesmerised by it.

Public Service can serve Public Good if it distances itself from the state it is in now, both in Hungary and in our neighbouring lands including Croatia, Romania and Slovakia.

It won’t be easy, particularly when there are diehards who can be found on all corridors continuing their chant that “nothing will change”.

This is a vital opportunity for the Media Law to embrace and action change, not a short-term fix, but a wider approach.

It is also critical for the broadcasters to demand the changes and set in motion a set of policies that enable democratic development of the television and the radio.

For the Public Service to be Public Good, it must evolve to:

• Remain relevant
• Become more relevant
• Be valued and valuable
• Be free from political intervention and interference
• Be free from internal intrigue
• Be free from point-scoring and politicking
• Be run by professionals for the public good

Public Service Broadcasting under the model of the BBC, is critically charged with upholding democratic values, not least through delivering trusted and impartial news and information.

Through its cultural and creative programming, the BBC helps to enrich and further value Britain’s diverse cultural lifestyles.

The BBC has a range of learning skills programmes on radio, television and online. It is currently offering a range of focussed “bite size” factual education programmes to help youngsters with their exam revision.

Part of the definition of Public Service delivering on Public Good, is a need for it to undertake a role of responsibility in helping to build greater understanding, tolerance and social cohesion.

That is a key requirement of a modern public broadcaster; to do more to earn, build and maintain the trust of the audience and to ask the awkward questions on its behalf.

The public broadcaster has a crucial role in the demanding digital age. Public Service needs to reach out to become Public Good. But it must have the courage to step forward, claim its place, and show its public value.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-05-20T06:03:00.000Z

Extending democracy

Ten years ago, young Romanian journalists training at the BBC School in Bucharest dismissed guidelines on the use of violent pictures in television news.

The BBC guideline calls for more sensitivity, restraint on the amount of violent images that can be screened, particularly together in one bulletin.

The BBC says “there is a balance to be struck between the demands of truth and the danger of desensitising people”. But the young Romanians insisted that “the viewers wouldn’t believe the journalists unless they could see the evidence for themselves”.

In other words, to be believed, they said they must show pictures – often close-ups – of the continuing atrocities in the Balkans War; dead and injured in accidents; and in one particularly disturbing incident in the early days of commercial television in Romania, the shocked reaction of a young woman to the news that her husband, an airline pilot, had been killed in a plane crash.

All of this was deemed acceptable in those opening days following the Romanian Revolution – or “The Event” as it was often caustically and sarcastically referred to.

There was a sudden dash to embrace their version of freedom, liberation.

There was a belief, genuinely held among people in an industry that had never been taught otherwise, that with this break from the yoke of Communism and the suppression of the Securitate, they could say anything about anyone. After all, wasn’t this the so-called “Freedom of the Press” often heard of from people who had access to the West?

Well, of course it wasn’t. But trying to explain that to many of the young journalists who were also holding down two or three other jobs at the same time was challenging.

It was rather like bringing up your own children when they have reached that awkward stage of asking “but why?” to everything you say.

There were some of the journalists in those early days, during the initially difficult transition from dictatorship towards democracy, who actually did understand and undertake to develop their industry into one staffed with professionals. But they were few.

The badge “professional” was much sought after, even more than money.

“Will I be a professional after this course?”… “Will this make me a professional?”… “Does this diploma make me a professional now?”… All genuine and serious questions raised by the young – and they were in the main in their early 20s – journalists wanting to make a career in the media.
Some of them now work in decision-making positions in Romania’s national public service radio and television, others in similar posts in commercial broadcasting. Yet others work for the BBC, Euronews, Eurosport, while one is teaching media in Paris.

In little over ten years, the Romanian economy has been transformed and the country stands on the edge of accession to the European Union, expectant of successful entry on January 1, 2007, the next stage of proposed enlargement of Europe.

But much work needs to be done to this society over the summer to convince Brussels to finally agree to entry next year.

The media in Romania is unrecognisable from a decade ago, perhaps mostly in its television news and the picture content. Today, the journalists will tell you that they prefer not to show close-up scenes of death, violence, injury, as it is disturbing and unnecessary if they tell the story properly and professionally.

So, that all sounds perfect then. No need for further media training in Romania. All is in good shape…

Wrong. That there is considerable improvement, there is no doubt, by any measurement that the media output in radio, television and, to a certainly lesser degree, in the Press.

There is always room for improvement wherever the media operates. as in the standards of BBC news output, infamously shaken to its core by the misguided handling of the reporting of the Iraq War by the defence correspondent of BBC Radio Four’s Today Show.

The subsequent mismanagement of his initial mistake served only to compound the incident rather than deflate it.

BBC Scotland recently repeatedly broadcast the news that the Scottish government was about to make extensive changes to the higher education system that would wipe out the university status earlier awarded to a swathe of colleges across the country. It was wrong.

In the UK Press, the Daily Mirror apologised unreservedly for printing fake pictures of Iraqi prisoners being beaten and tortured by British servicemen.

The company admitted its mistake, sacked the editor, then robustly called on the British and US administrations to admit their mistakes in the war in Iraq.

The media is important in helping to develop and build a strong economy, a stable democracy. Undoubtedly, mistakes will be made by reporters. But genuine mistakes, as irritating –and sometimes dangerous – as they may be, are very different from the people who deliberately set out to tell falsehoods, to mislead, to lie to the people.
In the example of the Daily Mirror, it would be the easy option for the newspaper to apologise then cower in the back alleys off Fleet Street, seeking a quiet life as it licked its wounds.

To do so would deny the basic tenets of democratic media: question, quiz, challenge authority. You are the watchdog for your reader. You can ask that awkward question and you must. The Daily Mirror was wrong to publish the fake pictures, but it seems to have been a genuine mistake, however misguided the decision to publish appears to be.

It was correct to sack its editor and apologise to the readers – but it was critical that the newspaper would then raise its game and ask the awkward questions, make the demand of politicians to account for and admit their mistakes. And in turn, where appropriate, resign or be sacked.

In Scotland, as in other parts of the world, we refer to the media as “The Fourth Estate”.

In an odd way, it adds a sense of gravitas to the industry, makes it seem almost part of the Establishment; a strange phenomenon when you consider that the media generally rails against anything to do with the establishment, rather seeking to knock it than join it.

Across the extended Europe, now a club of 25 nations through the continuing process of what could perhaps be well described as "Eunification", the media has arguably a far greater responsibility than it has had in the past.

As the economies develop, so must the media. It needs to be there to reflect town and country, raise issues, investigate concerns, encourage growth in business and culture and hold each nation’s leaders to account.

In Hungary, there is a continuing process of education through the media, in radio and newspapers in particular. The “big picture” of Europe has been explored and perhaps more importantly, in the past three years, there have been useful reports by sensible journalists who stripped Europe down to the very basic question: what will it mean to the price of eggs?

It was in no way downplaying the overall growth and development: it was, in fact, recognising what the media can do so very well, connect directly with people. “Europe: What Does It Mean For You? How Will It Impact On Your Life?”

One group of young Hungarian journalists travelled to Belgium and Scotland with the international development broadcaster Caledonia Media to get first-hand experience and understanding of what the EU was all about.

They went first to Bruxelles to see what impact the Euro was having on the economy. They met members of the great and good from the EU Parliament and institutions – and once the officialdom was concluded, they spoke to real people on the streets to get a measure of the real impact on their real lives.

By contrast, when they came to Edinburgh they met people in a country functioning outside the Euro Zone.

They spoke with the great and the good of the Scottish Parliament, where they had a working lunch with elected representatives before observing a session in the chamber.

As in Bruxelles, as useful as the official encounters were, it was the contact with real people in Edinburgh and nearby Dunfermline that helped to colour in their picture of Europe and report that back to their readers and listeners in Hungary.

As nations continue through transition, the media must be encouraged to develop and it in turn must ensure that it reports responsibly.

A strong media is critical in the 21st Century. It plays a crucial role in the development of nationhood and its people. A free, responsible media is an integral part of a modern democracy and one that has to be encouraged, nurtured and protected.

In The Visegrad Guidelines, a code of media ethics translated into seven languages, the former UK Defence Secretary, Michael Portillo, says: “Politicians will have to come to terms with the reality of a critical, unbiased media. It is a challenge for you to understand that, to welcome its development and to take it as a sign measuring your success in creating a democracy that is on its way to maturity.”

In little more than a decade much has changed in the media across Europe, and most especially in the new entrants to the EU and countries on the new eastern border like Bulgaria, Ukraine and Romania.

Much also has changed in the media in Serbia, Montenegro and in Croatia, similarly aiming to enter the EU. But there remains considerably more to be done.

It is no longer astonishing; rather it is pitiful, when departmental managers, companies and donor agencies, in their rush to save money, in their dash to cut costs, reduce or withdraw in entirety their support for training and development.

In reality, it is inappropriate to cut training budgets when people, the keystone to any organisation, are the very tools that can help improve output and market positioning.

Journalists in the new entrant countries to the EU are at varying, sometimes dramatically varying, levels of professional competence.

Training by organisations like Caledonia Media, has played important parts in helping to develop the standards of the industry.

Now, as funding bodies look to engage their resources in other ways in other nations, there is perhaps even more necessity to help support the media across Central and Eastern Europe, to develop all of the industry, improve its quality, build a better reputation for responsibility, reliability, quality, trust.

All of which costs money, and in some cases, will require media companies to self invest rather than rely on external funding support.

In Slovakia, the general director of the national broadcaster, STV, looked outside of the country for professional support to develop the network’s news and current affairs outputs. But it funded the project internally.

In Hungary, there is ongoing restructuring at the national radio, funded internally; but at the national public television, a similar programme of development has stalled because there is no internal funding available and so far, much to the chagrin of their general director, no external financial support.

By contrast, that external support has been on the table for Belarus for a considerable period of time, yet has never come to any great realisation.

Funders who want to support training and development are thwarted and left to express their grave concerns about the continuing political direction of the country and the dictatorial thumb on the throat of the media.

In contrast again, Ukraine has opened its doors, outstretched its arms, not as some cynics suggest, its palms, and is positively encouraging external support to help develop its media.

A little over ten years ago, Western professionals, a handful of people steeped in the industry as opposed to academics, pioneered media training across Central and Eastern Europe helping develop journalists, the managers and editors of today, to encourage growth of responsible television and radio stations. As well as building the industry, it was also to take a role in the development of democracy, and in doing so, have a direct input into nation-building.

There are examples of successes worldwide because of these initial interventions. In Central and Eastern Europe, Russia, the Baltic States, the Balkans, media training and development has secured a generation of responsible broadcasters and journalists.

Part of that success is that we now see journalists from Romania training their counterparts in Asia; journalists from Hungary training colleagues in Kosovo.

They are the beneficiaries of investment in their skills and talents and they are determined to pass it on. That spend on the young Romanian talent has been paid back in spades as we count the hundreds of young broadcasters who have benefited from the experience, beginning in the classroom of the Scoala BBC at the National Film and Theatre Academy in Bucharest.

Their learning is a model to be rolled out further afield.

They can’t do it on their own. They still need support and help in training the next generation. A friend in Budapest says of trying to do his job to the high professional standards he believes in: “I still have to struggle every day, it’s better, but it’s still a struggle. I’m doing all this for my son and his son. My country will be better for them than it is for me.”

It is a measure of his determination to help build and grow Hungary that he stays there, rather than move elsewhere, for he could.

He may be a unique person, but the attitude isn’t.

There are many more like him who want to do what they can to extend democracy through the media.

They are all there, across Central and Eastern Europe. And they still need support.

And that means recognising investment in continuing training and development. It needn’t cost a fortune. It is an investment that can accelerate the democratisation of a country. And a continent.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-04-24T18:48:00.002Z

Happy and Glorious

Here's a thought: ahead of the Queen's Golden Jubilee, there was a sense, a grave concern: would anyone be interested?

The sceptics may have been right to ponder, but they very clearly misunderstood the public.The Golden Jubilee was an incredible and public success.

Across the UK and the Commonwealth, there was general and enthusiastic rejoicing. And also this weekend, in recognition of the Queen turning 80 years old.

Her Majesty wanted only "a sunshiny day". She provided that herself in some of the most amazingly happy public pictures of her reign.

Windsor may have been dull and clouded; Elizabeth, dressed in vibrant red, was joyful. She was the sunshine of the day.

And the crowds gathered and sang and thrust flowers and cards - among the 20,000 she received - towards her.

Across the world, loyal toasts were made.

And the Independent newspaper, never a Royal journal, chose the day itself to focus on a tawdry monarchy: that of Nepal.

How the south-east English Charlies on the subs desk at the Indie must have chuckled at their headline and story, perfectly juxtaposed on the day of Elizabeth's birthday.

Childish.

There was more childishness to come.

Recently revived - and thank goodness for that - the BBC TV drama Dr Who just by chance, of course, carried an all-new episode of Dr Who. Marvellous stuff!

It even included a pastiche of Queen Victoria.

The drama pursued a 50-minute event of "must watch television" then, as the Daily Mail may say, and in this case correctly, took an unecessary swipe at the Royals by making Victoria a victim of a werewolf bite.

Drama? Naturally. And so much so, the cast of Paisley Buddie David Tennant and the gorgeous Billie Piper then went on to malign the present-day Royals as, essentially, mad.

Perhaps I am being too Scottish-sensitive here; or is it just that the Royals are easy targets and the BBC decided to take a pot-shot?

It was cheap, pathetic and very much out of kilter with the mood of the nation and the Commonwealth.

It must have overjoyed those subs at the Indie, who remain constantly unaware of what really captivates us.

The Queen is 80. She has rarely put a foot wrong.

Happy Birthday, Ma'm.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-03-24T15:27:00.001Z

Don't Panic!

So, the deadly H5N1 strain of bird flu has landed in Scotland. It should not surprise anyone that it has emerged; but what is shocking is that it took the authorities eight days to collect, test and confirm a dead mute swan had the virus.

The initially lethargic response to the discovery of the dead bird in the Fife coastal village of Cellardyke has been cranked up five gears with the imposition of an "at risk" zone across 2,500 square kilometres of Eastern Scotland.

Within that zone, stretching from the Forth Bridges northwards through Fife, to Perth, Dundee, Angus and Stonehaven, there are two further barriers.

From the locus itself, in the East Neuk of Fife, there is a three kilometre protection zone; and spreading ten kilometres beyond that is what is called a surveillance zone. It adds up to restrictions on the movement of poultry and their products and the order to house chicken stocks indoors.

The Scottish Government and UK medical and veterinary experts have emphasised there is no need for the public to panic: this is a bird disease that worldwide has only thus far spread to humans who have had extremely close contact with the birds.

More than a dozen other swans are currently being tested - with a pledge from the Scottish Government that there will be no further delays. Results on the swan reported eight days ago were slow to emerge because the testing lab in England "didn't work at the weekend". It does now, and 24-hours a day.

Consumers have shown mild concern about the so-called threat of the virus mutating into one that can be passed human to human. The poultry industry hopes it remains that way and is scathing of the English supermarket chain Waitrose, which yesterday put up notices across its stores proclaiming they didn't stock Scottish eggs or chickens.

At supermarkets across Scotland today, there is no visible sign of poultry sales dipping. Checkout surveys - part of general stocktaking - show that sales are steady.

The danger to humans, say the World Health Organisation and virology experts, is minimal.

There is however, a far greater danger that the virus will find its way into the poultry farms within the various eastern Scottish zones. If that happens, localised culling may have to begin.

As grave as that could be to the industry in the short term, there will be no room for any delay. At the weekend or otherwise.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-03-24T15:27:00.000Z

Darling Maggie

Andrew Glover burst into the newsroom in Edinburgh, out of breath and with his trademark grin writ large across his face.

"Okay, boss," he said. "Who're we supporting? Alex or Maggie?" "Do you really think there's an option?" I replied. "We'll back Maggie, but Alex will win."

But while Alex Salmond, as predicted, went on to win the votes of the Scottish National Party members for the national leadership in 1990, the hearts were always there for Margaret Ewing, who has died after a long illness.

She first made headlines in 1974 when she went to the House of Commons as the newly elected Member for East Dunbartonshire. It was a heady time to watch politics in Scotland; even more exciting to be at the thick of it, as Maggie was with her distinctive vigour, passion and wit.

In the two General Elections of 1974 there were first seven then 11 Nationalists at Westminster.

At that time, talk of a Scots Parliament was dismissed by many, but this 11 and not least Maggie, instinctively knew that in our lifetime, the legislature would return to Edinburgh.

She had a thoughtfulness and a kindness that is rare to find in political creatures. Maggie was so very different in her determination, her devotion to constituents; and as a bonus point, she could make you laugh, long, loud and hard.

Sharing a dram with her ahead of big events like Conference, in the comfort of her Lossiemouth home, was always a time to disect the national mood; and when the serious stuff was out of the way, dish a little gossip around the room as well.

There was something special about Maggie. Something that began in the Commons and continued at Holyrood: when her name was called, and when she would rise to speak, everyone listened.

She would waste no opportunity to slap down her political opponents and very often did it with that trademark humour. I don't think in all her years of service, she put a foot wrong. She certainly didn't get embroiled in the in-party fighting and clannishness that tarnished others. She was above that, not in a haughty way, she simply felt it more important to be out there encouraging the electorate that independence was something that was worth fighting for. She worked a room through persuasion, not lectures.

Last year, she proferred me one of her throwaway jabs as she stepped into a lift at Holyrood: "Guess where I'm off to, Charles?" ""Don't know." "I'm off to listen to the Welsh Windbag. Can you believe he's still droning on, after all these years?!"

But if that's what she made of former Labour Party Leader Neil Kinnock, her best quips were saved for the chamber.

When Henry McLeish was First Minister, he said he was very concerned about a policy that reminded him of an unparliamentary word that he chose not to utter, but did say: "...it begins with H and ends in Y."

Quick as a flash, Maggie popped up to suggest what the word was: "Henry!" The body politic was convulsed. Press and public galleries roared with laughter. Even Henry laughed, wagging a finger at her in mirth.

Scotland has lost a champion of the nation. But Maggie never lost our hearts.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-02-22T16:27:00.000Z

Farewell, Jimmy Liddell

The hail and rain stopped briefly in Queensferry as hundreds of people gathered to pay their final respects to Jimmy Liddell, who died six days ago.

In place of the inclement weather, came the sun, and a lone piper at the head of the cortege. We all filed behind, in Queensferry tradition, and set off from the Bellstane, along the cobbled High Street, paying our respects to a man who gave so much to our community.

As the crowd of some 300 walked behind his coffin, workmen at the Burgh Hall stood to attention; and the Saltire blew proudly in the wind, fixed at half-mast in his honour.

And still the procession continued, to our right, the row of shops and terraced houses, to the left the Firth of Forth and our two bridges.

We walked Jimmy out of the Burgh, to the other side of the Sealscraig, before taking a short leave of him to pile into cars and minibuses bound for Warriston Crematorium in Edinburgh.

By the time we got there, the rain was lashing again and the crowds snuggled together to take shelter under the pergola and inside the waiting room. For others, an umbrella or a tree had to suffice.

Then, Jimmy's magic worked again. In the distance, a large tube of light shone through the clouded sky to cast a golden shaft on Calton Hill. Forever associated with Scottish Nationalism and the drive for independence and freedom, Calton Hill was lit up as Jimmy was brought into the crematorium; and the piper played Flower of Scotland.

It was clear we would never get everyone in to the chapel. "Another sell out Liddell production!" said the preacher, in reference to the many shows Jimmy produced over the years, all to raise funds for organisations and events in Queensferry, like the Ferry Fair.

And so, we stood where we could, in the lobby, the corridor, the pergola, and listened to the words about our dear friend.

It was difficult to let him go; more than a thousand people, all with their own memories of the man who worked tirelessly for his family, his community and his country.

Tich Friel sang Caledonia. The words were never more as poignant as they were at this point in time. The music, those words, will forever take our thoughts to Jimmy Liddell.

He has his freedom now, freedom from a short illness, but sadly, never lived to see the freedom he campaigned for, passionately, for his country.

Caledonia, it's everything he's ever known.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-02-22T08:27:00.002Z

National Shame

Ten years ago today, a lone gunman with a history of unpleasant encounters with society, stalked through a primary school in the small Scottish town of Dunblane.

He shot dead 16 children and their teacher; he left 12 others seriously wounded; shattered the hopes and dreams of many families; and brought a nation to a halt.

It took a matter of moments for this misfit to carry out his cowardly act.

Within months, Scotland had new laws in place to ban handguns and establish a national register, a database listing all owners of firearms. On paper it showed swift response to a dreadful event. In reality, it is only partly implemented.

Ten years on, political promises now seem as postures. The legislation that provided for a UK-wide database has yet to be established. And although information is exchanged between the Scottish police forces, which is welcomed, there is no such system operating in the rest of the United Kingdom.

It is a national shame.

The leader of the House of Commons says he is commited to the national database. He says the Westminster government expects to see it rolling out across England and Wales in the summer, assuming that the pilot programme, currently being tested, is successful.

It's difficult to believe all this began ten years ago this morning, in a quiet Stirlingshire town best known for its natural beauty, architecture and friendliness.

Today, the people of Dunblane go about their business as they did on every other year since the shooting; determined that although this may be a milestone anniversary, it is no different to them whether one, ten or 50 years have passed. Except they still want the children and their teacher to be remembered, quietly, but always.

In gardens and woods, wherever you see snowdrops, remember this day.

In the windows, candles are lit in memory of the lives lost and the others still being rebuilt.

Mick North, whose daughter Sophie was one of the victims, is a veteran campaigner for a national gun register.

He succintly responds to those in the gun lobby who protest against his moves and say they have a right to undertake a sport responsibly.

Mr North calmly reminds them that it was his right to bring up his child; but that has been taken away from him.

The register must be implemented across all of the United Kingdom.

The quiet composure and dignity of the families closest of all to this dreadful event are to be commended, for they have shown strength and courage. It is shameful that successive governments have failed them and us.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-02-22T08:27:00.001Z

It's my ball

Ah, the folly that is the governing body of the beautiful game in Scotland! It's their ball, they've taken it home and nothing, not least common sense, will persuade them to change their mind.

The almost dream ticket match grasped the senses and the spirit of the people of Edinburgh: a semi-final between Hearts and Hibs. We'd have preferred it to be the Scottish Cup Final, but that's where the "almost" comes in.

Still, can you imagine the streets of the capital? Thronging. Heaving. Bustling. Everyone out for a guid family game; and it will bring a spending boost to business in the city. Bring it on; and, naturally, let's play at Murrayfield Stadium, home of Scotland's rugby union.

The idea is sound. Rather than have 50,000 fans travel the 50 miles between Edinburgh and Glasgow on already busy road and rail networks, many people, perhaps surprisingly, would be happy to walk through the capital to Murrayfield. That's all part of the guid spirit.

It makes it a very Edinburgh-focused day. Our two biggest teams, in the country's biggest stadium; why, it could even take in another 15,000 people comfortably.

"Naw," said the Scottish Football Association. "Ye cannae dae that."

Incredible. Police in both cities supported the Edinburgh venue. As did traffic and travel experts, not least motoring organisations like the AA and the RAC. Environmentalists wanted it as well saying it would eliminate thousands of unecessary car and vehicle journeys, and free the central Scotland train services from additional bulge.

"Naw, ye cannae. We'll no' let youze," said the big man at the SFA.

He had, he guided us puir, ill-informed hacks, a concern expressed by Hibs. The Easter Road management was of the opinion that Heart of Midlothian would have an unfair advantage if the Edinburgh option was exercised. "Cos the Jambos huv played at Murrayfield, so they huv," offered the SFA.

Now hold back your splutters there, he was told, and in no uncertain manner, that few of those who would be playing for Hearts in the semi-final had been on the team that played European matches at Murrayfield a couple of years ago, so the argument was flawed.

"Hampden's better than Murrayfield," hissed the man from the SFA. "That's where a' the big fitba' games huv to be played, so they dae."

The gentlemen at Murrayfield stressed they fully understood that the SFA wanted to ensure the Cup Final is played at the national soccer stadium. "But this is the semi, and it's an Edinburgh semi, so it seems naive to go to the west. Tea?" offered the man at the SRU.

Hearts fans said the chaps at the SFA were a bunch of so-and-sos. Hibs fans began to see the sense of staying in Edinburgh; even their manager ended up saying he actually couldn't care less where it was played and had no problem with a Murrayfield semi.

"Naw," said the man at the SFA in Glasgow. "It's oor ba' an' we're gonnae play wi' it at Hampden, so's youze ur jist gonnae huv to dae whit we tell youze," he harrumphed, triumphantly.

Well, of course, perhaps I have taken a liberty with some of the language, but you get this tale of two cities: The draw for Scottish Cup Semi Final puts Edinburgh clubs Hearts and Hibs against each other; it's suggested it could become an Edinburgh Derby - played at Edinburgh's Murrayfield Stadium; some of the Hibs people grumble that it gives Hearts an unfair advantage - that doesn't stick; the SFA makes the rules and regulations and they said no. The game has to be played at Hampden.

Of course, there are a number of cost implications here: if it is played at Hampden, there's income for the SFA; if it's played at Hampden, there's the cost for 50,000 fans to get to Glasgow; if it is played at Murrayfield, that's an income for the SRU; if it's played at Murrayfield, that's a positive financial impact for the fans. Oh, and as you read earlier, business in the capital.

Some years ago, I recall walking past the SFA headquarters in Glasgow with my Gran. I saw the sign and asked her what it stood for. "Sweet Fanny Adams!" she responded.

Aye, and it still does.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

2006-02-22T08:27:00.000Z

Still Game

On the day Scotland triumphed 18-12 over the Auld Enemy at Murrayfield, a small group of friends gathered under the destination board at Glasgow Central Station.

They were having a day out; time to retell some classic old tales of glory; talk of days long past from an era that no longer exists; and laugh again like the laddies they once were.

They first met 35 years ago when they were at school together, and have evolved into a gang of characters somewhat akin to those in the BBC's longest-running television sitcom, The Last of The Summer Wine.

Like those characters, these four whimsical chaps enjoy their occasional days of nostalgia. Today, they expect nothing less than non-stop banter as they go Doon the Watter to Millport, one of Scotland's gems in the Firth of Clyde.

Unlike those retired gents on television, these Glasgow chaps are very active, they are still working in their own professions. It is just that they have seemingly decided not to wait until they are in their autumnal years of twilight to indulge in a second childhood. They want it now.

There is no suggestion of a yearning for the golden days of yore - they didn't really exist anyway, and one of the gang disliked school so much, he escaped from the system as soon as the law allowed.

No, it appears rather more that they simply enjoy being mischevious; laughing at playground jokes, making a play on words, or reciting some memorable sketch from Chic Murray on the stage of the Glasgow Pavilion, or Francie and Josie at the King's.

Or even indulging in a favoured impersonation of one of their colourful teachers: Smooth, Psycho and Jessie Campbell spring to mind.

They have mastered a technique of having at least three or four conversations between themselves. Simultaneously. And all at the one time. It would be little surprise to hear them indulging in five or six storylines at once, each jumping in and out of one story into another.

It is clear any of them could ask a question on the platform at Glasgow Central and get the answer, succintly put, on the ferry crossing to Millport. No offence meant or taken, but at the time the original question had been put, there was either a more interesting conversation to be had, or simply the sight of a lovely burd passing by.

They want a carefree second childhood. Life is tough enough in the real world, so with the blessing of their other halves - who, truth be told are probably delighted to get them out from under their feet for a day - these chaps indulge themselves in the headiness of guid auld Glasgow humour and enjoying the natural beauty of their country.

Oh, and they have also been seen visiting a range of hostelries for an odd dram or two, in the spirit of helping to maintain the industry.

Once they are together, it is likely that before long, one of them will concoct a plan to do "something". Those "somethings" can range from picking up a "wee rowing boat" to renting rollerskates, with which, presumably, they would scatter at will the population of Millport as they rush past the famous Crocodile Rock on the promenade.

"We could swim across," said one, to slightly bemused looks. Instead of responses that would rubbish the notion, it was more like: "How long do you think it would take?" And for at least several minutes, it was a serious proposition, no doubt partly to save the £2.75 return crossing on the Cal Mac ferry between Largs and Great Cumbrae.

"It was the High School that made us this way," said another. "It encouraged us to be individuals." "It was full of eccentrics, both the teachers and pupils," offered another. "You mean, nutters," said the third man, giving the gang a wizard opportunity to convulse with laughter.

But it seemed to have at least some margin of truth in it - the encouragement about individuals bit. These four very individual, successful professionals are happy with their hinterland and their ability to dip into schoolboy discourse, something they appear to have been conditioned into by their days at the High School of Glasgow in Elmbank Street.

"When did it close?" one of the chaps inquired. "Oh, it must be about 20 years ago or something like that," came a response that was met with incredulity by all. That was impossible, for it would make them all so very old.

"Actually, it was June 1976," said one of the four, prompting looks of shock, horror, and comments that sounded not unlike "smartypants", "know it all", "sook", followed by the obligatory falling about in hysterics like a pack of hyenas.

And it was from this illustrious conversation that another Big Idea was born: a reunion.

Could they perhaps go back to Elmbank Street, the site that was shut down by Glasgow Council 30 years ago to house Strathclyde Region and now some of their own offices? Maybe in the old Assembly Hall? They could rent it for a night...

No chance. Glasgow Council has mothballed what they call, in their Sovietski Speaksi, "Building Five". It is under "essential maintenance only" because of budget cuts. The chaps at Glasgow Council never did like what they believed to be posh boys at a posh school.

Not to be defeated, the focus moved west, just like the remnants of the High School itself where it was reborn at the side of the playing fields of Anniesland.The GHS30 Gathering will be held there in June, three decades after the gates closed in the city centre.

"Ach, maybe we'll no' bother inviting anyone along," said one of the gang. "We could just do our own thing and no' bother with the rest of them," said another. "Mind you, it might be interesting to see how they've turned out," offered one. "Aye, right!" came the collective response.

These four are regarded by families and friends as being among "the lucky ones". The self-deprecating put-downs and self-inflicted references to being a "saddo" because they all hang around together, go places and do things "after all this time", is a state of being that is, in truth, envied by many.

As Francie and Josie might say, a bit of neuralgia now and again is a grand thing. Especially perhaps this day, with its accompanying sound of the 1812 Overture.

Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com

Scotland Calling

2006-01-15T19:01:00.000Z

This is the launch blog of Charles Fletcher in Scotland
Scotcast will be with updated on a weekly basis