Wednesday, September 27, 2006
Liar, liar, the city's on fire
When the images of rioting in central Budapest were flashed worldwide, they created a shudder, a shock.
The Prime Minister, Ferenc Gyurcsany, had been outed through a leaked tape of his speech to colleagues in a meeting on Lake Balaton. In essence, he said "his people" had lied "morning, noon and night" about the state of the Hungarian economy...to win the election.
Once disclosed, he swiftly - perhaps too swiftly - took the line that he was being maligned for being honest about the realite.
The rioting in a major, and beautiful, European capital shocked the nation, and indeed the world.
On the surface, what we saw was anarchy. But let's strip it back.
Conspiracy theories were invented in Hungary, it is part of the attractive national physiche.
But one theory in particular is troubling. How could one television network have so much knowledge, contact, information about the "event" to be so clearly on the ground to relay what was happening. Is it coincidence that this network, the Hir TV, is also openly supportive of the right-wing opposition?
Or was it simply a case of being news-reactive at the cutting edge?
Walking through the crowds based outside the Parliament was reminiscent of the protest at Faslane, Scotland or Greenham Common, England. A certain type is gathering and staying. The real people are getting on with their lives.
It is intriguing that public opinion is more concerned with "the leak"; the view that "all politicians lie anyway"; and so what if "Frank" told untruths.
Here, in Budapest, the focus is much more on who revealed it; why they did; and so much less on the substance.
The maitre'de at my hotel offered one comment: "There are always riots in Europe. They have them in Paris, in Madrid, so we now have them here. It is not a club we want to join, but we have."
There was a reported comment from a Budapester that "it must be the time of year", in reference to the uprising in 1956.
That was against Soviet rule.
Walking through the crowds, with their toilets and kitchens all in place, this is no Orange Revolution in Ukraine. And it doesn't feel like Budapest in '56. It doesn't look like '56. It isn't '56.
There are cordons around Parliament, the national television, the national radio.
Two dates to watch: October 1 and local elections; and October 23, the 50th anniversary of 1956.
That the police were ineffective in controlling a riot in a space no larger than two tennis courts last Monday raises serious questions. Not about the government, but about the police and their professionalism and abilities.
On this occasion, maybe it doesn't really raise questions about government. Perhaps the dishonesty of Frank and all around him will be seen to be more to do with his honesty about misleading the nation.
And perhaps Europe's youngest democracy, Scotland, has lessons to learn. After all, isn't it troubling that Scotland's finance minister has allegedly demanded his civil service team keep quiet about the implications of his government's budget proposals until after next year's national election, for fear it could affect voting for his party.
Is it any wonder that the people are more and more disconnected with the political elite?
Remember: the people have the vote that puts them in place. The people have the vote that takes them out. And democracy enables the people to demonstrate.
That couldn't be done in '56 when civilians fought for democracy.
The democracy in place now allows the people to question, where instead they were shot for daring to do so, 50 years ago.
Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com
When the images of rioting in central Budapest were flashed worldwide, they created a shudder, a shock.
The Prime Minister, Ferenc Gyurcsany, had been outed through a leaked tape of his speech to colleagues in a meeting on Lake Balaton. In essence, he said "his people" had lied "morning, noon and night" about the state of the Hungarian economy...to win the election.
Once disclosed, he swiftly - perhaps too swiftly - took the line that he was being maligned for being honest about the realite.
The rioting in a major, and beautiful, European capital shocked the nation, and indeed the world.
On the surface, what we saw was anarchy. But let's strip it back.
Conspiracy theories were invented in Hungary, it is part of the attractive national physiche.
But one theory in particular is troubling. How could one television network have so much knowledge, contact, information about the "event" to be so clearly on the ground to relay what was happening. Is it coincidence that this network, the Hir TV, is also openly supportive of the right-wing opposition?
Or was it simply a case of being news-reactive at the cutting edge?
Walking through the crowds based outside the Parliament was reminiscent of the protest at Faslane, Scotland or Greenham Common, England. A certain type is gathering and staying. The real people are getting on with their lives.
It is intriguing that public opinion is more concerned with "the leak"; the view that "all politicians lie anyway"; and so what if "Frank" told untruths.
Here, in Budapest, the focus is much more on who revealed it; why they did; and so much less on the substance.
The maitre'de at my hotel offered one comment: "There are always riots in Europe. They have them in Paris, in Madrid, so we now have them here. It is not a club we want to join, but we have."
There was a reported comment from a Budapester that "it must be the time of year", in reference to the uprising in 1956.
That was against Soviet rule.
Walking through the crowds, with their toilets and kitchens all in place, this is no Orange Revolution in Ukraine. And it doesn't feel like Budapest in '56. It doesn't look like '56. It isn't '56.
There are cordons around Parliament, the national television, the national radio.
Two dates to watch: October 1 and local elections; and October 23, the 50th anniversary of 1956.
That the police were ineffective in controlling a riot in a space no larger than two tennis courts last Monday raises serious questions. Not about the government, but about the police and their professionalism and abilities.
On this occasion, maybe it doesn't really raise questions about government. Perhaps the dishonesty of Frank and all around him will be seen to be more to do with his honesty about misleading the nation.
And perhaps Europe's youngest democracy, Scotland, has lessons to learn. After all, isn't it troubling that Scotland's finance minister has allegedly demanded his civil service team keep quiet about the implications of his government's budget proposals until after next year's national election, for fear it could affect voting for his party.
Is it any wonder that the people are more and more disconnected with the political elite?
Remember: the people have the vote that puts them in place. The people have the vote that takes them out. And democracy enables the people to demonstrate.
That couldn't be done in '56 when civilians fought for democracy.
The democracy in place now allows the people to question, where instead they were shot for daring to do so, 50 years ago.
Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com
Tuesday, September 05, 2006
Dear Tony
Every political star has their career shot down. Every hero is disarmed. It all ends in tears, especially when they never learn from the past: know when to go.
You came into our lives promising so much. Even that stage-managed entry to Downing Street could be found back in the Channel Four series "A Very British Coup", with the political advisor to the show being Alastair Campbell.
That the great British public never saw through it is incredible.
So much spin. So much hype.
The Scottish Parliament, the "desired will of the people" dismissed as little more than a Parish Council, you said.
Yet you complain when we, the people, ask for a timetable.
Never before has a Prime Minister solicited his own end of office. It may have seemed smart at the time to give an interview saying you wouldn't be around for a fourth term, but does it seem so clever now?
Poor old Gordon was on a plane to the US when you gave that interview. Of course you thought it through.
Consequences? Upset Gordon, destabilise his power base, strengthen your own. Ah, legacy.
Legacy? Afghanistan. Iraq. Iran. Such a special relationship with the US. You have taken it to new levels and it is unedifying.
Should we miss you? At one time, yes. Now? Not at all.
Legacy? Well, you are tall. But you never were politically. You were rather short on that.
Thank you for failing to be tough on crime and its causes; making life more bearable for the disadvantaged; making it easier to study and graduate; for promoting small busineses across the UK.
Our standing in the world? Thank you for giving the world the perception we are part of the US.
It was all about you; all about spin.
You complain we talk about your departure.
Well, in your schoolboy speak: You started it.
Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com
Every political star has their career shot down. Every hero is disarmed. It all ends in tears, especially when they never learn from the past: know when to go.
You came into our lives promising so much. Even that stage-managed entry to Downing Street could be found back in the Channel Four series "A Very British Coup", with the political advisor to the show being Alastair Campbell.
That the great British public never saw through it is incredible.
So much spin. So much hype.
The Scottish Parliament, the "desired will of the people" dismissed as little more than a Parish Council, you said.
Yet you complain when we, the people, ask for a timetable.
Never before has a Prime Minister solicited his own end of office. It may have seemed smart at the time to give an interview saying you wouldn't be around for a fourth term, but does it seem so clever now?
Poor old Gordon was on a plane to the US when you gave that interview. Of course you thought it through.
Consequences? Upset Gordon, destabilise his power base, strengthen your own. Ah, legacy.
Legacy? Afghanistan. Iraq. Iran. Such a special relationship with the US. You have taken it to new levels and it is unedifying.
Should we miss you? At one time, yes. Now? Not at all.
Legacy? Well, you are tall. But you never were politically. You were rather short on that.
Thank you for failing to be tough on crime and its causes; making life more bearable for the disadvantaged; making it easier to study and graduate; for promoting small busineses across the UK.
Our standing in the world? Thank you for giving the world the perception we are part of the US.
It was all about you; all about spin.
You complain we talk about your departure.
Well, in your schoolboy speak: You started it.
Charles Fletcher
charles.fletcher@caledoniamedia.com
